Editorial

Pakistani Army is selling its (nay! the Pakistani Public’s) crown jewels to foreigners.  It is not privatization but a fire sale ! 

29 December 2025

Pakistan faces a pivotal economic and strategic crossroads with the United Arab Emirates’ acquisition of approximately $1 billion in shares from the Fauji Foundation, an army-linked conglomerate, in exchange for rolling over a $1 billion loan liability. This debt-to-equity swap provides immediate financial relief amid chronic debt pressures but cedes partial control over vital productive assets, embedding foreign influence deep into Pakistan’s military-economic core. Beyond economics, the deal amplifies geopolitical tensions, intensifying Gulf rivalries, Middle East entanglements, and competition with China over key infrastructure, such as the Gwadar port.

At its core, the transaction resolves a pressing short-term debt obligation. UAE entities will purchase equity in Fauji Foundation group companies—spanning fertilizers, cement, energy, and food sectors—with proceeds settling the $1 billion claim previously rolled over as short-term debt. This maneuver bolsters Pakistan’s external reserves and eases IMF compliance, while parallel talks for converting another $2 billion UAE exposure into investments solidify Abu Dhabi as a pivotal patron alongside Saudi Arabia and China. Markets reacted positively, with the Pakistan Stock Exchange hitting record highs on optimism over sustained Gulf inflows. Yet, this relief masks deeper costs: dilution of national ownership in high-profit enterprises that fund military welfare systems for ex-servicemen.

Fauji Foundation’s unique status heightens the stakes. As a military-controlled powerhouse, its partial privatization introduces an external shareholder into Pakistan’s opaque military-commercial nexus, granting the UAE oversight and sway over dividend policies, reinvestments, and strategic decisions. For Pakistan’s economy—plagued by recurrent bailouts—the broader implications of foreign ownership in productive assets are double-edged. On one hand, such investments inject capital, advanced technology, and disciplined management, fostering stability and growth by aligning foreign interests with long-term viability. However, in a vulnerable context like Pakistan’s, risks dominate: eroded policy autonomy in pricing and sector planning, ongoing profit outflows straining the current account, and a creeping “creditor-shareholder veto” dynamic. Decisions increasingly hinge on satisfying Abu Dhabi, Riyadh, and Beijing, transforming sovereign choices into multilateral negotiations.

Geopolitically, the deal tilts regional balances. It positions UAE Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed (MBZ) ahead of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) in penetrating Pakistan’s military economy, reversing years of Riyadh’s dominance as the primary Gulf lender and CPEC-linked investor. This equity foothold sharpens Saudi-UAE competition for leverage in Rawalpindi and Islamabad, leveraging loans, stakes, and labour access to extract alignment on flashpoints like Yemen, Iran confrontations, intra-Gulf frictions, and Israel normalization paths. Pakistan’s cherished neutrality erodes; equity-holding Gulf states can press for troop contributions, intelligence sharing, or diplomatic postures during crises, ensnaring Islamabad further in Middle East vortexes.

China’s role complicates this further, centred on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and Gwadar port. CPEC binds Pakistan’s infrastructure, energy, and ports to Beijing’s Belt and Road ambitions, with Gwadar as a crown jewel for Indian Ocean projection. Both Saudi Arabia and the UAE covet stakes in Gwadar-adjacent refineries, storage, and logistics, aiming to hitch onto China’s corridor for Gulf-mouth access. Emirati inroads via Fauji equity amplify UAE leverage precisely as Gulf funds eye Gwadar, forging a tense triangle: China demands primacy in CPEC safeguards, while Abu Dhabi and Riyadh pursue substantive commercial-strategic footholds. Consequently, Gwadar’s growth, security, and linkages increasingly reflect not just Pakistan-China priorities but Gulf agendas—rivalries with Iran, intra-Gulf jostling, and broader maritime contests.

In net terms, Pakistan secures tactical debt respite and prospective foreign direct investment, yet forfeits chunks of military-economic sovereignty to a narrow patron cadre. Longitudinally, intertwined foreign holdings—in Fauji, CPEC assets, and potentially Gwadar—erect a multifaceted external veto over fiscal and foreign policies, especially amid Iran-India flare-ups or Arabian Sea great-power frictions. This trajectory underscores Pakistan’s perennial dilemma: leveraging Gulf and Chinese lifelines perpetuates dependency, curtailing maneuverability in a multipolar world where economic lifelines double as strategic leashes. While averting immediate default, the Fauji deal signals a slow pivot from autonomy toward layered external stewardship, with profound ramifications for national resilience.

 

Gas Price Discount: A bonanza for Fauji Fertilizer Company (FCC)!  The Illegal Discount gives an unfair advantage!

23 September 2025

Fauji Fertilizer Company (FFC) currently receives natural gas for fertilizer production at a subsidized price of Rs 580 per MMBtu, while most other fertilizer companies in Pakistan are paying a significantly higher rate of Rs 1,597 per MMBtu as of 2024 and 2025. The lower gas price for FFC and Fatima Fertilizer (both on the Mari gas network) has continued since at least October 2023, whereas other companies on the SNGP/SSGC networks saw their prices increase in early 2024.

All fertilizer companies require natural gas as a feedstock to produce fertilizer.  Local gas companies supply this necessary product. They are Sui Northern Gas Pipelines Limited (SNGP), Sui Southern Gas Company Limited (SSGC) and Mari Petroleum.  SNGP & SSGS have a government majority share while Mari Petroleum have majority share ownership by Fauji Foundation.

The Pakistani government sets and regulates the price of natural gas in Pakistan. The Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA), under the directives of the federal government, notifies and approves gas prices for various consumer categories, including domestic, industrial, and power sectors. Recent government decisions included raising fixed gas charges and revising gas sale prices for the fiscal year 2025-26 as part of broader economic measures and IMF structural benchmarks.

This regulation includes gas produced and supplied by companies like Mari Petroleum (now Mari Energies Limited). Since Mari Petroleum is a key player in Pakistan’s upstream gas sector and its output feeds into the national gas grid, the pricing ultimately falls under government-regulated frameworks. Gas prices in Pakistan are managed to balance domestic demand, supply constraints, subsidies, and sectoral priorities, with government involvement in tariff setting.

Thus, Fauji Fertilizer Company (FFC) has a tremendous advantage.  This price differential is illegal and completely disrupts the market parameters.  The IMF has commented on the price differential in natural gas for fertilizer companies in Pakistan. The Fund has pushed for the rationalization of gas tariffs and the removal of subsidies.  We endorse this decision and would like FFC to pay the full price of the feedstock.

Pak Fauj must not be allowed to acquire PIA

16 July 2025

The acquisition of PIA by the Fauji Foundation or the Bahria Foundation would not be in the national interest. It may not ensure a complete financial separation of PIA from the government.  This separation is required by the IMF.

PIA is being privatized at the request of the IMF in order to free the government of future losses.  But acquisition by Fauji Foundation or the Bahria Foundation does not free the government from financial entanglement.  First of all, fauji businesses will obtain loan guarantees from the State Bank for acquisition, which makes the government liable in case of failure.  Secondly, in case of operational losses, the fauji businesses ask for a bailout.  Therefore, acquisition by the fauji foundations does not meet IMF requirements.

The current state of PIA is largely due to mismanagement, compounded by political interference.  It became a place of employment for those who had connections.  I know of a retired Navy Commodore, with no airline skills, employed in a senior position.  Fauji businesses are unsuitable owners of PIA, especially since their dismal performance at Shaheen Air International.  It suffered mismanagement and was overloaded with retired servicemen.  The same malady which PIA now suffers.

The army already owns a substantial portion of the economy. An estimate suggests that 10% to 20% of GDP is controlled by the army.  Any addition will create a powerful entity in the marketplace, disrupting the normal power balance.